2 results
10 - Singaporeans Living in Johor and Batam: Next-Door Transnationalism Living and Border Anxiety
- from Section III - Cross-Border Social and Cultural Communities
-
- By Su-Ann Oh, University of Oxford, Reema B. Jagtiani, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute
- Edited by Francis E. Hutchinson, Terence Chong
-
- Book:
- The SIJORI Cross-Border Region
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 22 July 2017
- Print publication:
- 14 June 2016, pp 267-292
-
- Chapter
- Export citation
-
Summary
INTRODUCTION
Trends in the movement of Singaporeans to Johor and Batam reflect the city-state's financial leverage over Malaysia and Indonesia within an economic configuration known as the Singapore-Johor-Riau (SIJORI) Growth Triangle or Cross-Border Region. A SIJORI Growth Triangle was first proposed in 1989 by Singapore's Economic Development Board and later reconceptualized as the Indonesia-Malaysia-Singapore Economic Growth Triangle (IMS-GT) in 1994. This arrangement was conceived by a “vision of economic complementarity” which aimed to achieve mutual growth among these geographically proximate territorial units where Singapore would supply capital, and Johor and Riau would supply low-cost land and labour (Bunnell et al. 2012, p. 466).
Within Riau, Batam Island has received substantial foreign investment since the 1990s, the bulk of which comes from Singapore; this includes joint-ownership of industrial estates such as the Batamindo Industrial Park (Bunnell et al. 2012, p. 469, citing Azis 2010; Grundy-Warr, Peachey and Perry 1999, p. 310). The flow of Singaporean capital to Batam has naturally been accompanied by the movement of Singaporeans onto the island to oversee company operations. Most work for Singaporean companies seeking to capitalize on cheaper access to land and labour.
On the Malaysian end, robust cooperation between Singapore and Johor was initially encumbered by historical tensions between both countries, but by early 2007, the Malaysian government had officially launched Iskandar Malaysia, which is seen as a “strategic zone for bilateral cooperation” between Singapore and Malaysia (Ormond 2014, p. 13). The aim of Iskandar is twofold: to compete with Singapore to attract industrial development and foreign direct investments; and to cooperate with Singapore to accommodate the city-state's desire for space and lower labour costs; while providing Johor Bahru with capital and know-how. Between 2006 and January 2014, Singapore was the largest foreign investor in Iskandar, investing approximately S$4.2 billion (Kotwani 2014).
In addition, property realtors in Iskandar have been targeting Singaporeans, wooing them with bigger homes at significantly lower prices compared to Singapore and within close proximity to international schools and the island-state (Ong 2011; Ahmad 2011). It is estimated that the number of commuters between Johor and Singapore will double when Iskandar Malaysia is complete (Rizzo and Khan 2013, p. 154) and current data indicates that up to 17 million trips were made by Singaporeans into Johor in 2013 (Kotwani 2014).
Chapter 6 - Lumut, Perak: Patronage, Clientelism and the Post-Coup Order
-
- By Reema B. Jagtiani, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS)
-
- Book:
- Electoral Dynamics in Malaysia
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 10 November 2017
- Print publication:
- 05 December 2013, pp 81-94
-
- Chapter
- Export citation
-
Summary
Introduction
The semi-urban parliamentary constituency of Lumut comprises the Malay-majority state seats of Pangkor and Pasir Panjang as well as Chinesemajority Sitiawan. It is the site of electoral contests involving such major Perakian politicians as the state's United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) Chief Minister Zambry bin Abdul Kadir; Perak Democratic Action Party (DAP) chairman Ngeh Koo Ham; and Kong Cho Ha of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), who served as Minister of Transport from 2010–13 and is the party's secretary-general. In addition, the outgoing state assemblyman for Pasir Panjang is Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin, from Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), who served as the state's Chief Minister for several months in 2009 before Zambry replaced him in what is commonly referred to as the ‘Perak coup’.
This coastal district's economic activities include tourism, fishing and agriculture. Levels of urbanisation and wealth are spread unevenly across subdistricts and ethnic groups. In addition, Lumut is home to a large naval base that hosts over 6,000 Royal Malaysian Navy personnel. More controversially, Brazilian mining giant Vale International SA's recent hefty investment in a jetty at Lumut Port has generated some backlash over the jetty's potentially harmful effects on the fisheries sector and on the environment.
The campaign in Lumut illustrates the nexus between the Barisan Nasional (BN) and government machinery, including the parallels between an election-triggered controversy over the naval base and the legal tussles following the 2009 Perak coup. Despite the BN's indisputable advantage, the campaign strategies of both coalitions converge insofar as they both fundamentally operate within and depend on a de facto legal framework that does not require the accountable use of state infrastructure and campaign funds. Still, the campaign in Lumut seemed to prompt a slight shift from ethnic-based to ‘economic’ mobilisation of votes.
Progress of the campaign
Campaign overview
Over the course of the campaign, the BN capitalised on state resources, expansive party machinery paid for by the central party organisation, a flood of mainstream advertisements and BR1M (Bantuan Rakyat 1Malaysia, 1Malaysia People's Aid) cash handouts to mobilise votes.